Morocco and Algeria are two neighbors who do not like each other, but have managed to tolerate one another for close to four decades. Will the Arab Spring and succession of political power in Algeria be conducive to the normalization of relations in this sibling rivalry? There is nothing that is less certain. In Algeria, Morocco is an issue of interior politics. The [Western] Sahara, armament, terrorism, immigration — the list of touchy subjects between the two neighboring countries goes on and on. It is also not uncommon to see the national press agency (APS) or certain papers close to the regime dedicate entire pages to making jabs at the image of the kingdom [of Morocco]. Half the time, Morocco returns the compliment to its long-time rival. An Algerian journalist joked, “The embassies in Rabat and Algiers have a lot on their plates. They must spend quite a bit of time compiling daily press reviews and passing them along to their superiors.” The last example happened a few weeks ago. The Algerian press reported that the Department of Intelligence and Security (DRS) had advised a group of Algerian deputies from going to Morocco “due to the diplomatic crisis with Mohammed VI’s kingdom.” How strange! Barely a few weeks ago, the Algerian minister of the interior was in Rabat and, with a smile on his face, asked journalists to avoid subjects that might make people angry. Also, for a few months now, the diplomatic heads of both countries have not spared a single opportunity during international meetings to hold mediated face-to-face talks where both sides assured of the fraternal relations between the two North African states.
Between animosity and cliches
Even at the highest tiers of the state, nothing indicates that there is a diplomatic crisis. In the aftermath of Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s hospitalization in Paris, Mohammed VI expressed his wishes that the Algerian president experience a “prompt recovery.” The elderly Moroccan diplomat explained, “The fact is, both countries are handling diplomatic relations with an almost protocol facade. Sure, they send out diplomatic representatives and consular, but they only do the bare minimum [necessary]. Even if there is no diplomatic rupture, it would be inaccurate to say that there is any sort of normalcy either.” Judge for yourselves: the last visit by an Algerian prime minister to Morocco was more than 20 years ago. Today, visits by ministers and senior officials to both countries continue to be presented with pomp and circumstance. Our diplomat recounts, “It must not be forgotten that both states have engaged in war; they are competitors in terms of economy and security, just as they are great political adversaries on the [Western] Sahara issue.”
This animosity naturally rubs off on the populations of both countries. Even if they dance to the same rai (a form of North African rap music) and laugh at the same Fellag and Gad Elmaleh jokes, Moroccans and Algerians regard each other as lapdogs. Online, their misunderstanding of the other often devolves into aggression in chat forums. There, the cliches are many. From Algeria’s perspective, the Moroccans are promiscuous. From Rabat, Algerians are depicted as boorish, living outside of time and loving to have their photos taken in front of fruit and vegetable stands at the great markets of Casablanca or Marrakech. It would be a grave understatement to say that these sorts of cliches die hard.
A difficult history
The two countries have dodged a bullet. After being united against French colonialism for a long time, they both became undisputed political and diplomatic adversaries after their respective independences. For more than 40 years, the two neighbors turned their back on one another. Historian Benjamin Stora sums it up by saying, “Morocco and Algeria have had parallel histories, while their destinies have crossed paths.” Since the start, Algeria has followed a trajectory of liberation movements and economic socialism. Morocco has done the inverse and is growing closer to the United States and Europe. Also since the start, both countries have declared their desire to be the leader of the Maghreb and North Africa. For 40 years, they have never been able to overcome their ideological quarrels, aggravated by the Sand Wars, the [Western] Sahara conflict and the closure of their land border. A professor at Oujda University, Khalid Chiat, affirms, “Both countries have grown accustomed to maintaining strained relations. Everyone talks about normalization, but no one knows what ‘normal’ relations between Morocco and Algeria would look like.” He continues, “The Algerian army continues to designate Morocco as an adversary, or worse, an enemy, to justify its own armament and maintaining the status quo on the ground.”
Faycal Metaoui, an Algerian journalist at the daily El Watan informs us: “This seems to be changing. Today, Algeria and Morocco are the only relatively stable countries in the region. This is a precarious stability. Preserving it has obliged Morocco and Algeria to work together and to put their pragmatism to the test. I am convinced that economic and cultural cooperation constitute the cement of rapprochement between the two.”
On paper, this theory holds water. In fact, for a few months, exchange of visits between Moroccan and Algerian officials has been rather frequent. Algeria was even the guest of honor at the Meknes Agricultural Salon, inaugurated by the king himself. The number of Algerian tourists in Morocco is constantly growing. On the other side of the border, Morocco seems to be the first Arab customer of Algeria. Since 2011, both countries have been joined by a gas agreement. by virtue of which Algeria provides natural gas to two central Moroccan electrical plants in Jerada and Tahaddart. “Certainly there are some slip-ups, some misspoken phrases from time to time. But we feel as if things are moving. They’re moving slowly but this is only the beginning,” concludes Metaoui. “This gas question is crucial to breaking the ice between the two countries. If Morocco concedes to energy dependence on Algeria, this would be proof that it is prepared for its future to be closely aligned with that of its neighbor. This could compel them both to accept opening up the borders and perhaps even relook at their position on the Sahara.”
The Ross effect
In 2009, Christopher Ross succeeded Peter van Walsum as the personal envoy of the UN’s secretary-general for the Sahara. He knew the region well, as he had already served as the US ambassador to Algeria. Moving to this region, he was successful in discretely relaunching bilateral relations. The US diplomat had personally convinced Abdelaziz Bouteflika to choose for himself the sectors in which he would like to enter into partnerships with Morocco. Unsurprisingly, the president’s heart was set on youth, education, agriculture, water and energy. This is what allowed officials from both countries to exchange a few visits and to hold several dozens of technical meetings. But for what results? This is an annoying question. “We are not putting on a poker face. These discussions are without perspectives. To this day, they are limited to representatives of both governments. They practically do not deal with business,” reassured the Moroccan businessman. The same bell tolled in Algeria: “It’s an economic mind game,” said this former director of a large public business. “Both countries have found many interests to maintain a contentious relationship on its facade, in the interest of both sides of the border.”
In total, it is estimated that annual value of border traffic is $4 billion. This is a considerable amount that is completely uncontrollable. A Moroccan national living in Algeria recounted, “The border is not closed for everyone. Some of my colleagues have been able to move their furniture from Casablanca to Algiers by companies who specialize [in such moves]. The same goes when it is a matter of bringing in construction material. There are always intermediaries to handle crossing the border and delivering to any given Algerian city.”
This status quo, however, is not exclusive to Morocco and Algeria. According to a high-ranking civil servant: “The European and US powers are double-dealing. While they claim to be in Morocco and Algeria for one reason, they present a different discourse to their interlocutors. The day when these global powers decide to whistle the end of the match and adopt a real and pragmatic discourse, Morocco and Algeria will be able to sit at the same table and find a solution that allows everyone to save face.”
Business must go on
To this day, commercial trade between Morocco and Algeria amounts to around 10 billion [Moroccan] dirhams (about $1.2 billion). Metaoui explains, “This is quite weak given the potential.” Examples of partnership are many. Algeria is registered, for example, in an ambitious infrastructure program that entails [the development of] roads, airports, social housing — a truly unlimited construction site. The problem is that very few Moroccan companies have access to these markets. A Moroccan businessman affirmed, “We tried to impose a few leading Moroccan companies in this field; however, these efforts quickly went south. We quickly learned that they wouldn’t even get passed the invitation for tenders.”
He recalls, “One day, I was in the office of the president of a state bank. When he realized I was Moroccan, he told me if Morocco hadn’t confiscated the rights of the Sahrawi people — including their right to self-determination — trade between the two countries would be much more active. I replied to him that Morocco had not confiscated anything from anyone. He proceeded to launch into a rather aggressive diatribe according to which Morocco was constantly trying to act against the interests of Algeria.” Our interlocutor claimed this sort of occurrence is rather common: “On the ground, Algerian workers have no issue being ordered by a Moroccan. Businessmen get along well with each other. Once someone brings up the establishment, however, things get complicated. One might say they are forced to hate Morocco and impede in joint ventures and partnerships. The problem in Algeria is that no one can do anything without the consent of local officials.”
Today, the window is half open in any case. Because of Bouteflika’s illness, the country is obliged to find a successor for him. Will the scheduled departure of the old National Liberation Front (FLN) leaders signal the end of animosity between Morocco and Algeria? Nothing is less certain. Metaoui comments, “The presidential election is not open in Algeria. Any miracles aside, the successor to Bouteflika will be chosen by the military. Among the names being passed around, only two out of 10 are not from the former FLN, the party that has held power since 1962.” Chiat opined, “The Arab Spring did not change the structure of Algeria’s political system or the stranglehold the army has on interior political life. There was no renewal of the political elite in Algeria. We may have to wait a long time yet for this generational renewal that could normalize relations between the two countries.” While they wait, Moroccan officials remain on the lookout for any information from Algiers or Paris where Bouteflika is hospitalized. The profiles of his prospective successors have been closely studied, even if the Algerian security apparatus has shown on several occasions their ability to foil predictions and push forward sometimes improbable candidates to the head of the state.
Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/politics/2013/07/reconciliation-between-morocco-and-algeria-possible.html#ixzz2YTEmoYmH
