There have long been hopes of a functioning regional union, but obstacles remain.
Blossoming cooperation?
The new governments in Morocco, Tunisia and Libya certainly reflect a break from the past. The legitimacy and popularity of the newly elected Islamist parties in Morocco and Tunisia, for example, will certainly lead to discussions among like-minded decision makers. And although questions remain over what ideological stance the new Libyan government will take, it is likely to be of some Islamist persuasion. Furthermore, despite Algeria and Mauritania’s non-participation in the Arab Spring’s sweeping political reform, they too might be inclined to join a renewed impulse for political change. One can only speculate as to what importance or shape a regional policy might take for these newly elected governments. And it is clear that new governments will have numerous urgent issues to face and may be reluctant – regardless of their ideologies – to override straightforward national interests. The obvious lack of trade between Maghreb countries prior to the union’s creation means that the organisation’s future is largely dependent on the political will of governments and such will has often been non-existent in light of difficult geopolitical obstacles.
Rooted grievances?
The Arab Maghreb Union’s name itself is open to legitimate attacks from the region’s ethnic and linguistic minorities. The umbrella term ‘Arab’ is open to controversy as it fails to recognise the region’s deeper Berber identity and roots. This situation at the regional level naturally reflects the outright discrimination faced by these groups within their respective nation states. In Morocco, Berbers represent a very considerable 40% of the population and 25% in Algeria, yet they continue to face unequal treatment and are hostile to any efforts of forced assimilation into an Arabised national culture. Real respect and inclusion of these groups in the process of a shaping a union is vital and has never truly been undertaken previously. The primary contentious issue blocking the union’s efforts, however, is that of Algeria and Morroco’s seemingly intractable feud over the issue of Western Sahara. Untying this modern day Gordian Knot will not be easy. The arid region of the Western Sahara in question is a former Spanish colony annexed and occupied by Morocco in 1975. The occupation of the territory resulted in war with the POLISARIO, an Independence movement supported by Algiers. This led to over 200,000 people fleeing to refugee camps in Algeria’s southern town of Tindouf while international actors were paralysed in their efforts to resolve the matter. For instance, the UN mission MINURSO tasked with maintaining peace and overseeing the organisation of a free and fair referendum of self-determination has, to this day, never been allowed to carry out its mission.The Moroccan monarchy naturally sees this issue as one of politics and national sovereignty and has long castigated POLISARIO as hapless puppets of Algiers. Morocco believes a solution can only be reached in bilateral talks with their Algerian counterparts, who refuse to do so and instead insist on multilateral solutions or a negotiated solution with POLISARIO.The 90s proved to be a particularly difficult decade in terms of distrust between the two parties as Algeria entered a vicious cycle of violence and political instability. At the heart of the Maghreb, Algerians expected help from their neighbours but when they failed to do so, the state believed Morocco was happy to see Algeria plunge into all out civil war. For both Morrocans and Algerians, the Saharawi issue goes beyond changing governments. It has now become a subject of utmost national interest, reserved to the countries’ top military and political brass. No new government on either side, regardless of its ideology, would dare question the King’s or state’s stance on the matter.
Old comforts
