By Mohamed Jalid | The Daily Star
The election of Hamid Chabbat at the end of September as secretary-general of Istiqlal, Morocco’s oldest political party, has brought attention to the resurging populist trend that is becoming a distinctive feature of Moroccan politics. Populism has come to dominate political rhetoric, with several figures coming to prominence – most notably, Abdelilah Benkirane, the prime minister and head of the Party of Justice and Development, and who arguably owes his success to a populist approach.
A number of others have also come to dominate the political arena, including figures like Mohammad al-Ouafa (also from the Istiqlal Party), Ilyas al-Omari and Abdellatif Wahbi from the Party of Authenticity and Modernity, as well as Idris Lashkar and Abdelhadi Khairat from the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP), among others. Indeed, populism seems to be changing the face of political parties in Morocco as they all pursue this approach to stay relevant.
Populism could not have come back to the fore without the demise of the technocrats, who caved to the 20 February Movement’s demands for radical changes to the political system, which in turn led to the constitutional amendments put to referendum in July 2011. The new constitution reversed the former dominance of the technocrats and reintroduced political parties as the main players in the Cabinet. With the decline of established politicians, populists themselves have leapt forward and appear to offer an alternative to their traditional rivals.
Although a definition of “populism” is hard to pin down, in the Moroccan context it has by and large been labeled either as mere invective or as a distinct political style that connects with the average citizen. During the 1960s and 1970s, Morocco saw a similar wave of populist politicians take center stage, with figures like Mohammad al-Alawi (often referred to as “the Court Jester”); Arsalan al-Jadidi, the employment minister, a trade unionist and a member of the Free National Assembly party’s political bureau; and the famous Said al-Joumani.
According to Moroccan political philosopher Mohammad Sabila, populism allows for “the broadening of the parties’ social base” – essentially ensuring that political involvement is no longer limited to the traditional elite, but rather expands in order to absorb broad swathes of society – many from rural origins. Political parties began to expand their social bases as a result of major social transformations as Morocco witnessed a shift from a largely rural society to an urban one over the past 60 years. Hence, it became necessary to incorporate the formerly rural population into politics and political parties.
The economic and political changes the country has witnessed in particular require that the ruling elite be replaced by an elite still being formed and trained. The 20 February Movement’s calls for change highlighted the need for a new political class able to absorb popular anger by claiming to be closer to “the people” – speaking to their concerns and addressing them in their language.
Parties appear to be succumbing to this tide – even the likes of Istiqlal, which has been dominated historically by the traditional elite. Similarly, the USFP is gearing up to elect its new secretary-general, and Idris Lashkar is posed to run in his party’s election (which will be held in the coming weeks). Given the success Benkirane had in drawing attention to the PJD with his approach of simple address, humor and biting criticism, others seem to be following suit; there is no question that opposition parties will look for competitors capable of challenging Benkirane at his own game, which would indicate that political parties in general may favor populist leaders.
Some observers believe that the presence of populists, at least in the state’s view, encourages greater political participation, as was perhaps witnessed with the increase in voter turnout from 37 percent in 2007 to 45 percent in the 2011 elections, according the Interior Ministry. The state is invested in their rise and is likely to protect them from critics. Others, however, believe there is an inherent superficiality to populism that not only affects the nature of political discourse but also prevents the public from reaching a full understanding of what is at stake.
Political philosopher Mohammad Boujanal sees populism’s superficiality represented by “Benkirane’s jokes, Omari’s clamor, and Chabbat’s troublemaking.” There is also a deeper level at which these politicians intersect, and where their one-upmanship and disputes disappear. For this reason, Boujanal asserts that “Populism encourages keeping the Moroccan people at a minimal level [of involvement], represented in enthusiasm and obedience” without having a deeper understanding of the political situation.
Benkirane, Omari, Chabbat and others employ this passive populism in order to gain popular approval. The versions of populism may differ but the objective remains the same: political expediency.
Mohamed Jalid is a Moroccan writer, translator and journalist. This commentary, translated from the Arabic, first appeared at Sada, an online journal published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
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